【新刊速递】《国际研究季刊》(ISQ), Vol.67, No.3, 2023 | 国政学人

题目：A PROBLEM of RULES: Sexual Exploitation and UN Legitimacy

作者：Jasmine-Kim Westendorf，拉筹伯大学国际关系副教授，研究兴趣为内战、谈判和平进程。

摘要：二十年前，联合国对其工作人员的性剥削和性虐待（SEA）采取了零容忍政策。在禁止与儿童发生性关系和以性换取“现金、食物和其他东西”之后，联合国“强烈反对”与受益人发生性关系，因为“这种关系建立在固有的不平等权力动态基础之上”，有损联合国的公信力和诚信。本文从批判女权主义议题中获得启发，了解当女权主义思想和议题制度化时会发生什么，本文考虑了该政策不鼓励性关系标准的有效性和意外后果。本文认为，该政策以维和人员与当地人之间“固有的权力不平衡”为中心，削弱了联合国在实践中有意义地解决这种不平衡的能力。此外，“不鼓励关系”的标准降低了政策在工作人员中的合法性，其影响超出了对不当性行为的预防和惩罚。基于在波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那、东帝汶、日内瓦和纽约的研究，本文对预防和惩治性剥削和性虐待方面持续存在的挑战提出了见解，并将其与更广泛的问题联系起来，即国际特派团如何看待当地居民并与之互动，以及这如何影响其工作的完整性和有效性。

Twenty years ago, the UN adopted a zero-tolerance policy on sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) by its personnel. After prohibiting sex with children and the exchange of sex for “cash, food and things,” it “strongly discourages” sexual relationships with beneficiaries because “they are based on inherently unequal power dynamics” and undermine the UN’s credibility and integrity. Taking inspiration from critical feminist project of understanding what happens when feminist ideas and projects become institutionalised, I consider the effectiveness and unintended consequences of the policy's discouraged relationships standard. I argue that by centring an “inherent power imbalance” between peacekeepers and local people, the policy undermines the UN’s capacity to meaningfully address that imbalance in practice. Moreover, the discouraged relationships standard diminishes the policy’s perceived legitimacy among staff, with ramifications beyond the prevention and punishment of sexual misconduct. Based on research in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Timor-Leste, Geneva, and New York, this article generates insights about the persistent challenges to preventing and punishing SEA and situates them in relation to broader questions around how international missions view and interact with local populations, and how this affects the integrity and effectiveness of their work.

题目：Checking for Updates: Ratification, Design, and Institutional Adaptation

作者：Noémie Laurens and others，日内瓦研究生院博士后研究员，研究兴趣为国际环境协议。

摘要：尽管大多数国际协定都是无限期签订的，但它们所涉及的问题和各方的偏好都在不断演变。在某些情况下，各方会根据新的情况更新原有协议，以弥补谈判者的期望与不断变化的环境之间日益扩大的差距。各国拥有多种正式工具，如议定书、修正案和增编。本文将这一进程称为制度调整。本文试图解释为什么有些协定在其有效期内经过多次调整，而另一些协定则没有。本文认为，当缔约国获得有关其合作伙伴的行为、偏好或环境状况的新信息时，它们更有可能对其国际协议进行调整。本文重点关注促进这一过程的两个关键因素。第一个要素包括条约参与的意外变化，第二个因素涉及协议的设计特点。基于事件历史分析和371个多边环境协定（MEAs）的设计特征和成员国的原始数据集，本文发现低水平的批准、高水平的加入、高度制度化的多边环境协定和预期设计特征与更频繁的制度调整相关联。这些发现为动态条约的设计提供了重要的经验。

Although most international agreements are concluded for indefinite periods, the issues they address and parties’ preferences are constantly evolving. In some cases, parties seek to close any growing gaps between negotiators’ expectations and the changing context by updating their original agreement to its new circumstances. States have several formal tools at their disposal to do so, such as protocols, amendments, and addenda. We refer to this process as institutional adaptation. This paper seeks to explain why some agreements are adapted numerous times during their lifetime while others are not. It argues that state parties are more likely to adapt their international agreements when they acquire new information about their partners’ behavior, preferences, or the state of the environment. We focus on two key elements facilitating this process. The first consists of unexpected variation in treaty participation, and the second concerns the design features of the agreement. Relying on event history analysis and an original dataset of design features and membership of 371 multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs), we find that low levels of ratifications, high levels of accessions, highly institutionalized MEAs, and anticipatory design features are associated with more frequent institutional adaptation. These findings provide important lessons for the design of dynamic treaties.

题目：Strategic Ontologies: Narrative and Meso-Level Theorizing in International Politics

作者：Adam B Lerner，伦敦大学皇家霍洛威学院政治与国际关系副教授，研究兴趣为国际政治理论和国际历史的交叉点；Ben O'Loughlin，伦敦大学皇家霍洛威学院政治与国际关系教授，研究兴趣为国际关系中的权力和影响力。

摘要：本文提出了一种将国际政治实践与国际关系学科联系起来的渐进演变理论。它将参与战略性地方决策的国际政治行动体如何对国际体系的主流科学本体论施加生产力进行理论化。本文将这些过程中出现的叙事称为战略本体论，其定义是根据立场决定的优先事项对国际体系的主体、客体和关系逻辑进行的逐步重构。随着战略本体论被越来越多的人所接受，其创新也会超越其话语的语境，从而导致中观层面的理论演变。本文通过对有争议的战略本体的比较案例研究来证实这一观点，这些战略本体尚未在国际舞台或国际关系理论中占据主导地位。如果没有战略本体论作为分析视角，学术界可能会错过正处于萌芽阶段的理论创新。首先，本文研究了以色列和西德在大屠杀后谈判赔偿协议时如何参与战略本体论争论。其次，本文分析各国如何在2020年至2021年的气候谈判中利用脆弱性来重塑全球政策优先事项。对不同背景下的战略本体的认识实时揭示了理论创新，并为学术界和政策制定之间的动态新桥梁开辟了道路。

This paper offers a theory of incremental theoretical evolution connecting the practice of international politics with disciplinary IR. It theorizes how international political actors engaged in strategic local decision-making exert productive power over dominant scientific ontologies of the international system. We refer to the narratives emerging from these processes as strategic ontologies, defined as gradual reformulations of the subjects, objects, and relational logics of the international system according to positionally determined priorities. As strategic ontologies gain acceptance, their innovations endure beyond the context of their utterance, leading to meso-level theoretical evolution. We substantiate this account with comparative case studies of contested strategic ontologies that have yet to become dominant in either the international arena or IR theory. Without strategic ontology as an analytical lens, scholarship might miss embryonic theoretical innovations in the process of gaining traction. First, we examine how Israel and West Germany engaged in strategic ontological contestation when negotiating a reparations agreement following the Holocaust. Second, we analyze how states have used vulnerability in climate negotiations in 2020–2021 to recast global policy priorities. Recognition of strategic ontologies across contexts illuminates theoretical innovations in real-time and opens a path for dynamic new bridges between the academy and policymaking.

题目：Aiding War: Foreign Aid and the Intensity of Violent Armed Conflict

作者：Michael Findley and others，德克萨斯大学奥斯汀分校博士，研究兴趣为国际安全、和平与冲突研究。

摘要：外国援助能否减少战争期间的暴力？在政策界，人们对援助改善受冲突影响和脆弱地区的前景越来越乐观。本文研究了在持续的武装冲突中，外国援助是否会减少甚至增加暴力。本文提出了一个理论论点，即在持续的武装冲突期间分配的集中外国援助增加了军事死亡人数，但减少了平民死亡人数。通过使用1989年至2008年间所有发生冲突的撒哈拉以南非洲国家的地理编码数据，在匹配前沿设计和工具变量分析的辅助下，本文发现对军事冲突强度的预期得到了实质性和统计上的有力支持，但对平民死亡人数的预期支持较少。本文就集中援助对军事冲突强度和平民冲突强度的影响提出了新的见解，描述了次国家层面的影响，并扩大了分析的时空范围。本文还利用乌干达北部上帝抵抗军(Lord’s Resistance Army)前指挥官和乌干达人民国防军(Uganda People’s Defence Forces)将军的访谈证据，探讨了因果机制的合理性。本文提供了学术和政策方面的见解，包括在持续战争期间分配的外国援助可能比它的帮助更有问题。

Does foreign aid reduce violence during ongoing wars? In the policy community, there has been growing optimism about the prospect for aid to improve conflict-affected and fragile areas. We investigate whether foreign aid decreases, or even increases, violence during ongoing armed conflict. We advance a theoretical argument that concentrated foreign assistance allocated during ongoing armed conflicts increases military fatalities but decreases civilian fatalities. Using geographically coded data on all sub-Saharan African countries in conflict between 1989 and 2008, within a matching frontier design and supplemented by instrumental variable analysis, we find strong substantive and statistical support for our expectations about military conflict intensity though less support for the expectations about civilian fatalities. The paper provides novel insights about the effects of concentrated aid on military versus civilian conflict intensity, characterizes the effects at a sub-national level, and expands the spatial-temporal period of the analysis. We also probe the plausibility of the causal mechanism using interview evidence drawn from ex-commanders of the Lord’s Resistance Army and generals of the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces in northern Uganda. The paper offers both academic and policy insights, including that foreign aid allocated during ongoing wars may be more problematic than it is helpful.

题目：How Do Consociations Craft Asylum Policy? Lebanon’s Response to Conflict-Induced Displacement as an Exploratory Case

作者：Tamirace Fakhoury，奥尔堡大学政治与社会系副教授，研究兴趣为欧盟在中东和北非的对外政策；Allison McCulloch，布兰登大学教授，研究兴趣为种族分裂社会的政治。

摘要：联合体如何制定庇护政策，又如何处理“他人”的权利？研究已经开始探索联合治理与非种族或非宗派社会群体之间的关系。然而，人们仍然对联合体如何一方面与难民外逃相互作用，另一方面与难民保护伦理相互作用知之甚少。作为一种复杂的制度形式，联合主义可能会限制国家及时、有效、尊重流离失所者权利和尊严地应对难民流离失所问题的能力。自2011年叙利亚致命冲突爆发以来，黎巴嫩对该国约150万流离失所者的到来作出了回应，本文以黎巴嫩对这一问题的回应作为探索性案例研究，旨在进一步了解联合体如何制定和实施庇护政策。具体而言，本文考虑了三种不动主义（immobilism）机制，它们限制了统一、反应迅速和包容的庇护政策的制定，这些机制是由联合国家机器本身构成的：种族化/宗派化、拖延和分裂。以黎巴嫩的难民政策制定模式为基础，本文展示了这些机制如何相互加强，在政策一致性以及难民权利和保护方面产生反作用。

How do consociations craft their asylum policy, and how do they deal with the rights of “others”? Research has started to explore the relationship between consociational governance and non-ethnic or non-sectarian social groups. Yet, we still know little about how consociations interact with refugee flight on the one hand, and with the ethics of refugee protection on the other. As a form of thick institutional complexity, consociationalism risks limiting the ability of the state to respond to refugee displacement in a manner that is timely, effective, and which respects the rights and dignity of displaced individuals. We draw on Lebanon’s response to the arrival of some 1.5 million displaced individuals in the country since the start of Syria’s lethal conflict in 2011 as an exploratory case study that seeks to further knowledge on how consociations craft and implement their asylum policy. Specifically, we consider three mechanisms of immobilism that constrain the crafting of unified, responsive, and inclusive asylum policy and that are posed by the consociational state apparatus itself: ethnicization/sectarianization, procrastination, and fragmentation. Building on Lebanon’s patterns of refugee policymaking, we show how these mechanisms mutually reinforce one another, backfiring on policy congruence as well as refugee rights and protection.

题目：The Limits of Liberalization: WTO Entry and Chinese State-Owned Firms

作者：Yeling Tan，俄勒冈大学政治学助理教授，研究兴趣为全球化和中国的经济治理；Christina L Davis，哈佛大学政府学系教授，研究兴趣为国际关系和比较政治学。

摘要：Does state ownership limit the liberalizing effects of the WTO? We examine the case of China, which is not only the largest exporting state but also lends active support to state-owned enterprises (SOEs) that could distort global trade. Using data on import purchases disaggregated by ownership from 1993 to 2012, we analyze how WTO entry affects the commercial orientation of state-owned and private imports. We demonstrate that after WTO entry, tariff cuts have a larger effect on private compared to SOE trade. We then show that state ownership alone does not block the WTO’s liberalizing effects. For most industries, SOEs and private firms are alike in their commercial orientation. However, where strategic goods targeted by industrial policy hold a large share of bilateral trade, lowering tariffs has no impact on SOE trade. These findings highlight the tensions between state-led economic models and global trade law premised upon market principles.

题目：Natural Resource Exploitation and Military Spending

作者：Justin Conrad，佐治亚大学国际贸易与安全中心主任、国际事务教授，研究重点为国际安全，包括能源安全、核防扩散、国际冲突和恐怖主义。

摘要：为什么有些国家比其他国家向军队分配更多资源？当政府面临叛乱时，政府可能会意识到其权威和合法性受到严重威胁，而叛乱团体通过开采自然资源获得大量收入。作为回应，各国政府为其军事预算分配了更多资金。利用反叛团体开采自然资源和世界各国国防开支的数据，本文发现当一国国内存在从自然资源中获利的反叛团体时，该国比其他国家分配了更多的国防预算。即使在控制了国内冲突本身的存在之后，这一发现仍然成立。研究表明，叛乱分子对资源的开发可能会对国家间关系产生间接影响：即如果国家之间确实面临安全困境，因国内动荡而导致的预算增加可能会恶化国家间关系。

Why do some states allocate more resources to their military than others? Governments are likely to perceive acute threats to their authority and legitimacy when they face insurgencies in which rebel groups earn significant revenues from the exploitation of natural resources. In response, governments allocate greater amounts to their military budgets. Using data on the exploitation of natural resources by rebel groups and defense spending for states around the world, I find that states where rebel groups profit from natural resources allocate more to their defense budgets than other states. This finding holds even after controlling for the presence of civil conflict itself. The study suggests that rebel exploitation of resources may have an indirect impact on interstate relations: If states indeed face a security dilemma, then increased spending resulting from these internal dynamics is likely to exacerbate the problem.

题目：Threat Conceptions in Global Security Discourse: Analyzing the Speech Records of the United Nations Security Council, 1990–2019

作者：Takuto Sakamoto坂本拓人，东京大学艺术与科学研究生院人类安全学教授，主要从国际关系的角度对与“人类安全”相关的紧迫问题进行研究。

摘要：自冷战结束以来，全球安全的概念及其假定面临的威胁经历了相当大的扩展和多样化。这一进程由联合国安理会（UNSC）所主导，主要国际行为体在安理会中积极讨论“对和平的威胁”。然而，尽管学者们积累了大量论据，但冷战后安全话语结构和动态的定义特征仍然模糊不清。为了解决这些模糊性问题，本文调查了过去三十年来安理会审议的全部内容。以联合国安理会政策声明的原始数据集为基础，采用定量文本分析工具（包括词语嵌入），研究安理会成员如何从所讨论的各种问题和实体的角度来构思安全威胁的概念。研究表明，联合国安理会的安全论述高度分层，并揭示了恐怖主义和大规模杀伤性武器扩散的持久而普遍影响，而这构成了安理会常任理事国有限的共识。这些发现告诫人们不要无限制地使用其他著作中广泛采用的某些理论结构，尤其是“安全化”和“诠释性社群”的概念。

Since the end of the Cold War, the notion of global security, and presumed threats to it, has undergone considerable expansion and diversification. This process has been led by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), where active deliberations concerning “threat(s) to the peace” have taken place among major international actors. Despite a sizable accumulation of scholarly arguments, however, the defining features of the structure and dynamics of the post-Cold War security discourse remain ambiguous. To address these ambiguities, this study investigates the entire body of Council deliberations over the past three decades. Based on an original dataset consisting of policy statements delivered at the UNSC, the study employs quantitative text analysis tools, including word embedding, to examine how council members have conceived the notion of security threat in terms of the various issues and entities discussed. It shows the security discourse at the UNSC to be highly stratified and reveals the persistent and pervasive influence of terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, which constitute the limited common grounds shared by the Council’s permanent members. These findings caution against the unconstrained use of certain theoretical constructs widely employed in other works, most notably, “securitization” and “interpretative community.”

题目：Mapping and Unpacking Global Governance Bodies: A Cross Sectional and Cross Organizational Analysis

作者：Angel Saz-Carranza，西班牙埃萨德商学院-拉蒙鲁尔大学EsadeGeo（全球经济和地缘政治中心）主任、战略与综合管理系副教授；Martino Maggetti，瑞士洛桑大学政治科学研究所（IEP）和欧洲治理与公共政策分析实验室政治学副教授；Kutsal Yesilkagit，莱顿大学国际治理教授；David Coen，伦敦大学公共政策教授、全球参与副教务长、社会与历史科学学院副院长、全球治理研究所所长。

摘要：近期的一些研究指出，相对非正式的、不以条约为基础的全球治理机构（GGBs）日益重要。然而，对这些机构及其对全球治理的影响的系统性精细评估仍有待进行。非条约型全球治理机构在多大程度上构成了一种有别于传统条约型国际组织（IOs）的真正的新型治理？全球治理机构的显著特征如何影响其在全球治理中的作用？全球治理机构的出现和发展模式在多大程度上是政策部门所特有的？本文利用有关五个不同政策领域（银行与金融、能源、全球卫生、互联网和移民政策）的全球政府组织原始数据集来探讨这些问题。本文将微观组织视角与中观网络方法相结合，解读了非条约型全球政府组织相对于传统国际组织的主要特征。研究结果支持了这一普遍预期，即与传统的国际组织相比，非条约型全球政府组织为全球治理提供了独特的机会。然而，重要的是，这种关系并非是二分的。研究发现，全球政府间组织存在于一系列符合目的的设计中，从硬性的、正式的、政府间模式到软性的、非正式的、基于多方利益相关者的治理模式。最后，本文还发现了不同政策领域之间的显著差异，其中全球卫生领域因其分散的网络结构而脱颖而出。

Several recent studies have pointed to the increasing relevance of relatively informal, non-treaty-based global governance bodies (GGBs). Yet, a systematic fine-grained assessment of these bodies and their implications for global governance are still pending. To what extent, do non-treaty-based GGBs constitute a truly novel type of governance body, distinct from traditional treaty-based international organizations (IOs)? How do the distinctive features of GGBs affect their role in global governance? To what extent are GGB’s patterns of emergence and development specific to policy sectors? This article tackles these questions, drawing on an original dataset on GGBs in five distinct policy areas (banking and finance, energy, global health, Internet, and migration policy). We combine a micro-organizational perspective with a meso-level network approach to unpack the main features of non-treaty-based GGBs vis-à-vis, traditional IOs. Our results provide support to the general expectation that non-treaty-based GGBs offer distinctive opportunities for global governance with respect to traditional IOs. However, importantly, this relationship is not dichotomous. We find that GGBs exist on a continuum of fit-to-purpose designs ranging from hard, formal, and intergovernmental models to a soft, informal, and multistakeholder-based form of governance. Lastly, we also find notable variations across policy areas, where global health stands out given its decentralized network structure.

题目：Trauma, Home, and Geopolitical Bordering: A Lacanian Approach to the COVID-19 Crisis

作者：Catarina Kinnvall，瑞典隆德大学政治学系教授，研究领域为全球化与国际关系、政治心理学和安全研究，民族主义、民粹主义、性别和后殖民主义；Ted Svensson，瑞典隆德大学政治学系副教授，主要研究和教学领域为国际关系、政治理论、南亚。

摘要：本文从拉康主义的角度来解读新冠肺炎疫情大流行，其中创伤和本体论不安全感是分析的核心。使用精神分析方法可以使读者理解为什么对这一流行病最常见的反应包括加强对家园、民族主义和排斥性边界实践的承诺，以及实际上对“主权”地缘政治概念的回归。这可以根据拉康对记忆作为一种重复形式的讨论来解读，意味着任何用连贯的叙述来解释历史的尝试都忽略了无意识的、创伤性的重复冲动。有鉴于此，本文考虑了民粹主义对这一流行病的反应，以及该流行病是如何成为“巨大的不平等因素”的。本文认为，这样的发展，应当被解读为代表了国家机构的分裂，并加剧了拉康所说的象征秩序中所固有的脆弱性和权力结构的不对称性。因此，本文建议，如果希望确定这一流行病是如何强化了现有的卑微化和边缘化模式，那么有必要对拉康对镜像和真实的理解进行后殖民主义的重新概念化。

In this article, we read the COVID-19 pandemic from a Lacanian perspective, in which trauma and ontological insecurity are at the heart of the analysis. Using a psychoanalytical approach allows us to grasp why the most common response to the pandemic consisted of intensified commitments to home, nationalism, and exclusionary bordering practices and, in effect, a return to geopolitical notions of “sovereignty.” This can be read in light of Lacan’s discussion of memory as a form of repetition, implying that any attempt to construe history in terms of a coherent narrative misses the unconscious, traumatic compulsion to repeat. In light of this, we consider populist responses to the pandemic as well as how the pandemic has worked as a “great unequalizer.” Such developments, we argue, must be read as representing a fragmentation of the national body and as heightening the vulnerabilities and asymmetric structures of power that inhere in what Lacan refers to as the symbolic order. Here, we propose that a postcolonial re-conceptualization of Lacan’s understanding of the mirror image and the Real is necessary if we wish to establish how the pandemic has reinforced existing patterns of abjectification and marginalization.

题目：Anxious Politics: Contesting Fantasies Surrounding the Removal of Statues of Slavery and the Confederacy

作者：Andreja Zevnik，曼彻斯特大学国际政治高级讲师，主要研究专业领域为政治暴力、抗议政治和政治行动、精神分析和后殖民理论以及批判种族理论的交叉领域。

摘要：2020年夏天，全球爆发了抗议乔治·弗洛伊德谋杀案的游行活动，颂扬白人至上主义的雕像被推倒。本文借鉴了布里斯托尔科尔斯顿雕像以及新奥尔良和夏洛茨维尔邦联雕像被拆除的叙述，通过拉康的焦虑理论探讨了雕像在政治身份和社会幻想构建中的作用。在拉康看来，焦虑告诉人们，主体所认定的威胁或熟悉的事物并不是客观环境的反映，而是个人欲望的反映。通过提出“对抗焦虑”和“与焦虑一起工作”的概念，本文探讨了（1）旨在重建在雕像拆除过程中受到挑战的旧叙事和身份的幻想，以及（2）沉浸在焦虑时刻试图修复历史暴力的实践。本文做出了三个方面的贡献：首先，对于有关焦虑的文献，本文说明了为什么焦虑不是一种情绪，而是主体形成的一个组成部分。其次，对于有关纪念活动的文献，本文展示了雕像如何在肯定某些身份的同时否定另一些身份，从而重新制造（种族化的）暴力；对于有关抵抗的文献，本文展示了根深蒂固的焦虑是如何继续限制社会进步的。

The summer of 2020 saw a global mobilization protesting the murder of George Floyd, during which statues glorifying white supremacy were toppled. Drawing on the narratives surrounding the removal of the Colston statue in Bristol and the Confederacy statues in New Orleans and Charlottesville, the paper examines the role of statues in the construction of political identities and social fantasies through Lacan’s theory of anxiety. For Lacan, anxiety tells us what subjects identify as threatening or familiar is not a reflection of objective circumstances but individual desires. By proposing the concepts of working against anxiety and working with anxiety, the paper examines (1) fantasies that aim to re-establish the old narratives and identities that were challenged in the process of statue removal and (2) practices that dwell in the moment of anxiety in an attempt to repair historical violences. The paper makes three contributions: firstly, to the literature on anxiety, the paper shows why anxiety is not an emotion but a building block of subject formation. Secondly, to the literature on commemoration, the paper demonstrates how statues affirm some identities while negate others, re-producing (racialized) violence; and to the literature on resistance, the paper demonstrates how deeply entrenched anxieties continue to constrict social progress.

题目：Microsoft's Challenge to US Militarization of Cyberspace: A Lacanian Study of Norm Entrepreneurship

作者：Jeppe T Jacobsen，丹麦国际研究所和南丹麦大学战争研究中心学者，研究兴趣为美国的网络军备、其动机以及对国际安全的影响。

摘要：微软公司正在进行战略性尝试，以改变美国政府为军事和情报目的利用微软软件技术漏洞的做法。迄今为止，这些努力尚未取得成果。微软的战略与国际关系文献中关于规范企业家精神最常见的战略有许多共同之处，即揭露政府理想与实践之间的矛盾。本文通过拉康的精神分析方法对微软的策略进行了研究，并认为该策略未能达到预期的效果，这并不是因为美国公众或政府人员仍然没有意识到其中的矛盾，而是因为该策略无法解决现有的超越网络理想的欲望。拉康的转型公式，即分析师话语，提供了一个替代框架，用于根据此类违规行为审视规范企业家的潜力。它指出，创业者必须扮演（心理）分析师的角色，将违反规范者歇斯底里化。文章重新审视了微软试图阻止网络空间军事化的尝试，认为成为“网络红十字会”的建议具有歇斯底里的潜力，但只要微软拒绝压制其作为有利可图的网络专家的地位，这一建议就不可能成功。

Microsoft is making strategic attempts to change the US government's practices of exploiting technical vulnerabilities in Microsoft software for military and intelligence purposes. So far, these efforts have not borne fruit. Microsoft's strategy has much in common with one of the most common strategies proposed by the International Relations literature on norm entrepreneurship in terms of exposing the contradictions between the government's ideals and practices. The article contributes to this literature by examining Microsoft's strategy through Lacanian psychoanalysis and suggests that it fails to work as intended, not because the US public or those in government remains unaware of the contradictions, but because the strategy is unable to address the existing desire to transgress the cyber ideals. Lacan's formula for transformation, the Analyst Discourse, provides an alternative framework for examining norm entrepreneurial potential in light of such transgressions. It proposes that the entrepreneur must occupy a position as the (psycho)analyst who hystericizes the norm violator. The article revisits Microsoft's attempt to halt the militarization of cyberspace and argues that the proposal of becoming a “Cyber Red Cross” holds a potential to hystericize but cannot succeed as long as Microsoft refuses to repress its status as a profitable cyber expert.

题目：The Free Market as Fantasy: A Lacanian Approach to the Problem of Neoliberal Resilience

作者：Henry Maher，悉尼大学艺术与社会科学学院政治讲师，研究兴趣为后马克思主义和后结构主义的国际政治经济和国际关系方法。

摘要：尽管新自由主义意识形态一再失败，但它的韧性仍然是一个值得引起重大学术争议的问题。为了理论化新自由主义的持久吸引力，本文使用了雅克·拉康的精神分析幻想概念。对于拉康来说，幻想是一种叙事，它构建了人们对现实的体验，组织了人们对欲望的追求。作者认为历史上的新自由主义思想家构建了一种幻想叙事，其中“自由市场”充当了欲望的关键对象。这种幻想先验地确定了所有历史和物质进步都是自由市场的结果，任何失败都可以归咎于其二元对立面，即越轨国家。因此，幻想提前为自己的失败做好了准备，因为每一次新的危机都可以被视为国家的失败，并作为需要加强追求自由市场的证据。为了说明幻想在维持和复兴新自由主义方面的作用，本文在为应对全球金融危机而组织的G20领导人峰会上研究了新自由主义的幻想逻辑。在二十国集团 （G20） 会议上，危机的主流叙述被重新构建，以适应新自由主义的幻想，最终免除了自由市场的责任，转而将责任归咎于民族国家。

The resilience of neoliberal ideology despite its repeated failings is a problem that continues to generate significant scholarly controversy. To theorize the enduring appeal of neoliberalism, this article uses Jacques Lacan’s psychoanalytic concept of fantasy. For Lacan, a fantasy is a narrative that structures our experience of reality, organizing our pursuit of desire. I argue historical neoliberal thinkers constructed a fantasy narrative in which the “free market” functions as the crucial object of desire. The fantasy determines a priori that all historical and material progress is a result of the free market, and that any failings can be blamed on its binary opposite, the transgressive state. Hence, the fantasy prepares in advance for its own failures, as each fresh crisis can be constructed as a failure of the state, and as evidence of the need to intensify the pursuit of the free market. To illustrate the role of fantasy in preserving and reanimating neoliberalism, I examine neoliberal fantasy logic at the G20 leader’s summits organized in response to the Global Financial Crisis. Across the G20 meetings, the dominant narrative of the crisis was reconstructed to fit the neoliberal fantasy, ultimately absolving the free market and instead focusing blame on the state.

题目：A Method for Change. Lacanian Discourse Analysis: A Glimpse into Climate Policy

作者：Valeria Tolis，利兹大学地球与环境学院环境政策与治理教员。

摘要：本文建议回归雅克·拉康，发展拉康话语分析（LDA）作为国际关系中的一种可能方法，并通过概述欧盟内部气候变化政策的案例来展示其学术潜力。拉康将四种话语作为概念性“思维导图”的理论提供了一种话语分析方法，使研究人员能够凭经验研究霸权话语如何受到挑战和潜在的颠覆。拉康主义的观点强调“阐释的主体”，并将主体概念化为由社会生产但又缺乏的：话语提供了一个历史化的社会语言结构，维系着主体的社会关系，但话语活动总是在主体性内部产生切割，表现为在阐释过程中其意义的过度缺失。通过对欧盟能源效率政策的案例研究，本文首先说明了拉康话语分析如何使学者们研究气候知识和话语的权威性。进而，通过观察能效在阐释中是如何被表达的，揭示了语言效应所产生的过多意义，它使得话语变得“支离破碎”。最后，展示了如何利用这些产生的裂痕来评估所观察到的话语的变革和赋权潜力。

In this article, I propose a return to Jacques Lacan, I develop a Lacanian discourse analysis (LDA) as one possible method in international relations and demonstrate its potential by sketching out the case of climate change policy within the European Union. Lacan’s theory of the four discourses as conceptual “mind maps” informs a method of discourse analysis enabling researchers to empirically investigate how a hegemonic discourse can be challenged and potentially subverted. A Lacanian perspective emphasizes the “subject of the enunciation” and conceptualizes subjects as socially produced but lacking: Discourse provides an historicized socio-linguistic structure sustaining the subject’s societal relations, but the speaking activity always produces a cut within subjectivity, which manifests as an excess-loss of meaning in the enunciation. Via the case study of the energy efficiency policy in the EU, I first illustrate how an LDA allows us to investigate climate knowledge and the authority of the discourse. Then, by looking at how energy efficiency is spoken in the enunciation, I expose the excess of meaning produced as an effect of language, which “fractures” the discourse. Finally, I show how to leverage on these produced fractures to assess the transformative and empowering potential of the observed discourse.

题目：Interpellation and the Politics of Belonging: A Psychoanalytical Framework

作者：Moran M Mandelbaum，基尔大学国际关系讲师，研究兴趣为从精神分析的角度教授和研究全球政治、国家和民族主义。

摘要：质询，即主体性的产生和欢呼，是后结构主义国际关系理论的关键，但除了一些明显的例外，质询/欢呼作为一个分析概念仍然在某种程度上缺乏理论化。本文提出了国际关系中质询的拉康-齐泽克精神分析理论（Lacanian–Žižekian psychoanalytical theorization），同时探讨了归属的本体论和认识论。更具体地说，本文提出了四个主要的精神分析概念：空虚/缺乏、幻想、享乐和欲望，认为空虚/缺乏在主观和客观水平层面使质询成为可能，但又破坏了质询的稳定性，从而解释了归属感的不可能性。本文通过分析英国脱欧话语中所体现的民族民粹主义以及同质民族主义中的质询，阐释了质询的精神分析框架。

Interpellation, the production and hailing of subjectivities, is key to poststructuralist international relations (IR) theory and yet with some notable exceptions interpellation/hailing as an analytical concept remains somewhat undertheorized. This paper presents a Lacanian–Žižekian psychoanalytical theorization of interpellation in IR, while engaging with the ontology and epistemology of belonging. More specifically, this paper develops four major psychoanalytical concepts: void/lack, fantasy, jouissance, and desire, as it argues that void/lack at the subjective and objective levels renders interpellation possible and destabilises it, thus accounting for the impossibility of belonging. This paper illustrates the psychoanalytical framework of interpellation by analyzing national-populism as manifested in the Brexit discourse in the UK as well as the interpellation in homonationalism.

题目：What Does Queer IR Want? A Queer Psychoanalytic Critique

作者：Luiz Valle, 伦敦大学伯贝克学院、法学院研究生。

摘要：本文从精神分析的角度对性少数群体国际关系子领域中“性少数”的概念提出了同情性的批判。作者首先从国际关系学科和性少数理论的角度重新构建了性少数国际关系理论，并对该领域LGBT+理论家和性少数理论家之间的分歧现状进行了评估。其次本文考虑了辛西娅·韦伯（Cynthia Weber）的最新研究成果，并认为性少数国际关系两个阵营之间的界限是不稳定的，因为两者都需要并预设了对异性恋世界某些概念的反对。本文认为，从这个角度来看，同性恋/异性恋的区分形式近似于雅克·拉康在20世纪30年代理论化的镜像阶段。通过对拉康的解读，可以发现性少数国际关系理论中的“性少数”（queer，“酷儿”）概念将欲望的概念简化为身份的概念，从而排除了对同性恋、双性恋和变性者（LGBT+）等群体身份政治含义的理解。最后，本文将弗洛伊德-拉康对自恋、群体形成和欲望的反思应用到有关LGBT+权利的辩论中，并得出结论，关注拉康的纯粹欲望概念（通过对安提戈涅的性少数解读）可能有助于性少数国际关系理论重新思考它在其短暂历史中所遇到的僵局。

This article presents a sympathetic critique of the concept of “queer” operative in the subfield of Queer International Relations from a psychoanalytic perspective. I first reconstruct queer International Relations (IR) in relation to disciplinary IR and queer theory, and offer an appraisal of the current state of the field's division between LGBT+ theorists and queer theorists. I then consider Cynthia Weber’s recent work and suggest that the boundary between the two camps of queer IR is precarious in that both require and presuppose an opposition to some concept of the straight world. I suggest that, thus construed, the form of the queer/straight distinction approximates that of the mirror stage Jacques Lacan theorized in the 1930s. Read through Lacan, the notion of “queer” in queer IR can be shown to reduce the concept of desire to that of identity, which precludes understanding of the political import of queerness in respect of the LGBT+ group. Finally, I apply the Freudian–Lacanian reflection on narcissism, group formation, and desire to the debate on LGBT+ rights, and conclude that attending to the Lacanian concept of pure desire (via queer readings of Antigone) may be productive for queer IR's rethinking of the deadlocks it has run into in its brief history.

题目：Lacanian Biopolitics of COVID-19

作者：J Peter Burgess，巴黎高等师范学院风险地缘政治学教授兼主任，法国法律、科学、技术和社会研究中心教授。

摘要：去年，欧洲和美洲掀起了一场公开辩论，其实质和形式几乎同样可以预见：以封锁、宵禁、强制戴口罩和疫苗接种等形式压制个人自由的做法是否因卫生危机而合理化，甚至合法化？在几乎所有层面的公共辩论中，人们都对公共当局要求公民以个人健康和他人健康的名义采取措施的权利（或责任）提出了自己的立场。在国际研究领域，生物政治学已成为分析COVID-19大流行病并将其政治化的常用概念。生物政治分析主要有三种变体，它们相互重叠、相互依存：源自福柯晚期著作的见解、受阿甘本《圣人》（Homo Sacer）启发的变体、以及延伸了哈特和内格里全球分析的变体。在最近出版的《生物政治学的逆向》一书中，劳伦特（Laurent）以另一种视角诠释了生物政治学，他发现在拉康教学的最后阶段，即1970年左右开始，对“会说话的身体”的关注被浓缩在parlêtre这个混合术语中，它既是“话语-存在”，也是“存在-话语”。本文阐述了生物政治学的这一替代概念对分析COVID-19大流行病的影响。

A public debate has raged in Europe and the Americas for the last year, almost as predictable in its substance as in its form: Has the suppression of individual liberties, in the form of lockdowns, curfews, imposed mask-wearing, and vaccination justified by and indeed legitimated by the sanitary crisis? On virtually all levels of public debate, positions have been formulated on the right (or responsibility) of public authorities to require citizens to take measures in the name of their own personal health and the health of others. In International Studies, biopolitics has become the go-to concept for both analyzing and politicizing the COVID-19 pandemic. Three variants of biopolitical analysis dominate, overlapping, and mutually dependent: those stemming the insights of Foucault’s late work, those inspired by Agamben’s Homo Sacer, and those that extended the global analysis of Hardt and Negri. In a recently published book, The Inverse of Biopolitics, Laurent interprets biopolitics in an alternative vein, finding in the final phase of Lacan’s teaching, beginning around 1970, a preoccupation with the “speaking body,” condensed in the hybrid term parlêtre, both speaking-being and being-speaking. This article draws out the implications of this alternative conceptualization of biopolitics for the analysis of the COVID-19 pandemic.

题目：International Norms as Emergent Properties of Complex Adaptive Systems

作者：Carla Winston，墨尔本大学国际关系高级讲师，研究兴趣为国际关系理论、规范和规范传播、复杂性理论、人权和转型正义、和平与冲突以及流行文化在政治和国际事务中的运用。

摘要：本篇理论笔记认为，国际关系学者目前所理解的国际规范，可以被视为一个复杂的适应性系统（国际政治体系）的新兴属性。它们产生于不同分析层次内和不同分析层次间行为主体微观层面的互动，并有可能成为系统属性：(a) 影响系统内行为主体的构成、关系和行为；(b) 在分析上无法还原为这些行为主体之间互动的总和。它们还表现出复杂系统所共有的进化动态，而不仅仅作为单一的复杂系统。以此种方式思考规范，有助于将规范学者引向特定的研究空间和方法。在简要回顾了国际关系中的复杂性理论之后，本文介绍了复杂系统理论。并探讨了规范理论与复杂性之间的概念联系。最后，提出了将规范理解为复杂的新兴现象可能会对规范研究产生更广泛影响的方式。

This theory note argues that international norms, as currently understood by scholars of international relations, can be seen as emergent properties of a complex adaptive system (the international political system). Arising from the microlevel interactions of agents within and across various levels of analysis, they have the potential to become system properties that (a) influence the constitution, relationships, and behavior of agents within that system and (b) are not analytically reducible to the sum of the interactions between those agents. They also exhibit evolutionary dynamics common to complex, rather than merely complicated, systems. Thinking of norms in this manner helps point norms scholars toward particular spaces and methodologies of research. After a brief resume of complexity theory in IR, the note proceeds with an introduction to complex systems theory. It then explores the conceptual nexus between norms theory and complexity. It finishes by suggesting the ways in which understanding norms as complex emergent phenomena might influence norms research more broadly.